Jordi Amat explains many things, but now he only made me one. A day in the middle of the sixties, about 1965, Jordi Pujol understood that he needed to counteract the cultural hegemony of the progressive left in the cold Cold War.
He was right success began to smile from the first democratic elections, so that the right liberal, Catholic and Catalanist felt protected by a power party, Convergència, founded by such a clever banker to endow the country of structures and institutions that allowed not only to make a country , but, above all, to make it via the conquest of power.
The ineluctable result of that plan was not an independent Catalonia, but without that long process we would not have experienced the short process of today. Without that vast long-term operation, sovereignty had not assaulted the street or would feel the urgency of the imminence it exhibits today. Even more: this long process has been consolidated today in an accelerated process that has achieved more things than raiding the street.
He has assaulted the domes of parties that have never been independentists, but have accepted the new rules of the game, in particular some sectors of the PSC and ICV. Citizens, on the other hand, have found their reason to be against this short process although today it embodies more things than the mere alternative to nationalism in Catalonia – and the PPC found the cause of its own internal disaster largely due to the frivolous disinterest of the hard core of the PP in Madrid and its absolute majority.
One of the cases of socialist dissidence has been that of Jordi Martí, the recent founder of MES and voting mobilizer, who is defined as the heir of Maragall’s Catalan socialism. Shortly thereafter, Martí promotes a sovereign route through counted passes and without allegations or shortcuts. Precisely for that, his article on Thursday expressed both his perplexity and his discrepancy in the agreement signed by CiU (still) and ERC.